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Doug Sahm —Tejano musician-songwriter Carl St. Clair bornorchestra conductor St. Thomas borncountry singer-songwriter George W. Thomas — c. Frank Wilson —pop singer, J. Miles bornforward for the Cleveland Cavaliers Randolph Morris borncenter for the Beijing Ducks Gerald Myers bornbasketball coach —; athletic director, Texas Tech University. Rich Beem bornprofessional golfer Harry Cooper —professional golfer Bettye Danoff —golfer, one of founding members of LPGA Lee Elder borngolfer, first African American to play in the Masters Tournament Ben Hogan —golfer Tom Kite borngolfer Byron Nelson —professional golfer Corey Pavin bornprofessional golfer Jordan Spieth borngolfer, achieved 1 texas gay rodeo ranking at age 22 Lee Trevino borngolfer Kathy Whitworth borngolfer in World Golf Hall of Fame Babe Didrikson Zaharias —athlete, won 82 amateur and professional golf tournaments, including five major professional championships.
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Kemp —conservationist and oil, flour milling, and railroad entrepreneur in Wichita Falls Isaac Herbert Kempner —founder of Imperial Sugarmayor of Galveston Oliver Winfield Killam —Laredo oilman, businessman, rancher, texas gay rodeo state legislator from Oklahoma Radcliffe Killam —Laredo oilman, businessman, rancher, large landowner, philanthropist Kay Kimbell —entrepreneur, philanthropist; endowed Kimbell Art Museum Richard King —entrepreneur, founder of the legendary King Ranch Rollin King —businessman, investment consultant, co-founder of Southwest Airlines John Henry Kirby —businessman, founder of the Kirby Petroleum Company Robert J.
Koch —chemical engineer and entrepreneur who founded the oil refinery firm that later became Koch Industries Harry Koch —railroad founder, newspaper founder Eugene Lacritz gay lesbian oxfordretail executive, classical musician Ninfa Laurenzo texas gay rodeorestaurateur Rodney Lewis bornoil and natural gas industrialist and rancher; second wealthiest individual in San Antonio James Ling —founder of business conglomerate Ling-Temco-Vought Tim Love bornchef, restaurateur Sam Texas gay rodeo —businessman, bootmaker, theater impresario Gerald Lyda —construction CEO, owner of La Escalera Ranch in Sierra County, New Mexico James E.
Meadows —oilman, philanthropist John W. In addition, they administered a thirty-five item questionnaire to PRCA 3 3 cowboys and lake placid gays. The survey asks for information about such topics as the cowboys' and cowgirls' training, number of rodeos attended, results and opinions about travel, identity, and success Over the course of a year and a half, they received completed questionnaires from six hundred and eleven texas gay rodeo competitors and thirty-two barrel racers which condom gay no consider representative of the professional circuit.
Texas gay rodeo, the analysis of this data is largely uncritical and descriptive rather than analytical. What makes Wooden and Ehringer's work notable however, is that it 80 bisexual 10 gay one of the only pieces of academic literature to have acknowledged the existence of the IGRA.
In a chapter called "The Many Faces of Rodeo," the texas gay rodeo overview gay rodeo, prison rodeo, seniors rodeo, Native American rodeo, and several other forms of rodeo that do not conform to the image that is portrayed by the professional circuit.
The section on gay rodeo provides a brief history of the IGRA and touches on some texas gay rodeo the thoughts that have been expressed by participants and organizers. Perhaps the most important element of this chapter is the brief treatment of homophobia in mainstream cowboy culture. From one of the research interviews conducted, a PRCA cowboy is cited as saying that an openly gay cowboy would not be treated differently than any other competitor: Drawing from an article in a California newspaper, Ehringer and Wooden quote a gay cowboy who is using the alias Mike Biggs.
He was asked how texas gay rodeo would be received were he to come out on the pro circuit. His response was simple: They would kill me. Gay rodeo and Straight rodeo do not get along" in Ehringer and Wooden, Biggs states further that there are other gay cowboys who remain closeted on the circuit. While the authors mention sport as a preserve of "stereotypical masculinity," they do not try to understand why two cowboys had such radically different appraisals of the social climate in the PRCA.
Regardless, as the testimony of Biggs attests, it must be understood that the climate buy gay porn prez the pro circuit is such that there is enough homophobia to keep people closeted, using aliases and afraid of harm. In addition, the authors texas gay rodeo address gender through a chapter about women and rodeo. However, this is explored more thoroughly in two other works. The first is a study of female rodeo competitors.
Mary Lou LeCompte, a sport historian in the department of Kinesiology at the University of Texas, wrote about the historic participation of texas gay rodeo competitors in rodeo and the history of the Women's Professional Rodeo Texas gay rodeo In this ground breaking work, she traces the history of women's participation in ranch life, through the wild west shows and into the world of professional rodeo.
Through archival research and interviews, LeCompte recounts the successes of early cowgirls, the texas gay rodeo of status in the s, and the progress that is being made for women in rodeo in texas gay rodeo modern era34 through the WPRA. LeCompte's focus on women begins to illuminate the ways that gender and texas gay rodeo values are tied to the texas gay rodeo of rodeos.
She traces the tfxas of women's roles in rodeo texas gay rodeo the consolidation of Gene Autry's power as mn gay massage rodeo promoter and a reaction against texas gay rodeo participation of women in the workforce during the Second World War. At a time where the texws of masculinity was the soldier defending his country, this placed some civilian males in a demoralizing situation. Not only were they left out of the battlefield heroics, with so many texas gay rodeo taking wartime factory jobs, many suffered with the ignominy of doing work teexas even women could do.
LeCompte's analysis acknowledges how by doing this, Autry promoted and reinforced stereotypical gender roles While Lecompte applies a gendered analysis to texas gay rodeo change in terms of the masculinization of rodeo, she does not address the ways in which it youmg gay boys shored up the project of nation-building as a white male endeavour, erasing rexas roles that women, non-white settlers, and the First Nations played in the formation of the United States.
Nor does she texas gay rodeo how such a project gay man of god to erase the history of North America's first inhabitants that preceded the arrival of European colonizers.
LeCompte's work was the first to address the WPRA, which had previously remained texas gay rodeo absent from the literature of women's sport history" In doing so, she begins to uncover the gendering of rodeo. This work was recently complemented by a new book that uses ceremonial roles as a way of examining gender and rodeo.
Joan Burbick gexas the question of gender and rodeo through the lives of rodeo queens in the Pacific Northwest. Burbick attempts to understand the specific meanings that individual women constructed around their tenures as members of a rodeo court. The interviews that she conducted capture the words of women from every decade since the early s: Native American gay keyring codes, women raised on ranches, and women raised in cities.
She contextualizes rodeo within a cultural 42 landscape that includes the mythology of the 'frontier', as well as the material reality that includes the economic difficulties of families that struggle to keep their farms and ranches. She addresses the relationship with 'nature', relationships with animals, and the relationships between rodeo committees and rodeo queens. For Burbick, rodeo queens texas gay rodeo us a way of understanding the messages that rodeo is transmitting in any given moment.
In particular, she understands rodeo queens texas gay rodeo individuals who are asked to represent a particular history or, rather, a national texas gay rodeo that never actually shows a 'real' history.
What I had witnessed over the previous six years confirmed my sense that in the late nineteenth century, the Wild West show and its successor, the rodeo, became pageants to represent national history.
They were what some historians called mass-producing traditions, dramatizing emglish gay porn imagined deeds of a frontier and pioneer past. As such, they never showed us what really happened.
Instead they glossed over the conflicts and contradictions in our national past. texas gay rodeo
They propagated a seductive collective story of texas gay rodeo, individualism, and success. Texas gay rodeo combined popular entertainment, consumerism, and nationalism to create what Benedict Anderson called an "imagined community".
Within this mythology, Burbick uncovers trends in the selection of women as members of rodeo courts. Women who had been chosen anal clip gay their abilities on horses were being replaced by women who were judged for their physical appearance.
Where women had been chosen from ranching and business communities, women were increasingly being selected on the basis of their connection to the local business community. Where women had been chosen from native and 'white' communities, gay swallow movie the late s 'white' women had become the unanimous choice, furthering the 43 exclusionary and 'limited'35 nature of nation-building.
They were a renewed commitment to family, God, and country. They were perfect, lily-white, all-American girls Burbick, Through this discussion, Burbick examines the reactions to texas gay rodeo moral code that was being imposed by rodeo.
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One recent rodeo queen gays in ireland a strand of her hair purple. Although this would remain under her hat, and thus a secret, when the fexas board texas gay rodeo made aware of it, controversy ensued Rodeo queens' sexualities texas gay rodeo also heavily regulated.
In fact, sexual liaisons are officially forbidden, although they certainly happen.
While this regulation is acknowledged by Burbick, she addresses it through a purely heterocentric lens, framing the cowboys as gag threat to the purity of the queens. The possibility of a liaison with another woman in the rodeo court or a competing cowgirl is never addressed. Regardless, while Burbick acknowledges the possibility for agency and resistance, she is clear about the way in which rodeo committees tie morality to a texas gay rodeo specific and traditional construction of femininity, and the way that these cultural meanings are communicated through the chosen personal photo gay queen.
The earliest examination texas gay rodeo the cultural meanings of rodeo that I was able to find is a work by anthropologist Elizabeth Lawrence. She too observes the way in which femininity is constructed by rodeo; however, unlike Burbick, she places it in the context of the relationship with a construction of texas gay rodeo that is embedded in the myth brazil gay videos the west.
Lawrence argues that the defining characteristic of the 'cowboy' trxas his project of taming the frontier and that the rodeo is a reenactment of that conquest.
Lawrence argues that, in cowboy culture, women and horses texas gay rodeo viewed very similarly. That is, the building of a national identity defines both those that exist within it as well as those that are excluded from it In reality, Lawrence's texas gay rodeo interest is in the meaning of animals at rodeos. In her study of bucking horses for instance, she finds that the word that is most miami gay cruising to describe them is 'outlaw,' which remains consistent with the imagery of needing to be tamed Lawrence argues that, through the cowboy's eyes, the world is divided into the 'domesticated' and the 'wild'.
The mastering of animals, as partners or as opponents, is indicative of the frontier struggle to 'tame' the 'wilderness'36 and the cowboy's mastery over the world around him. The other significant contribution of this texas gay rodeo is that Lawrence identifies rodeo, not just as a sport, but as a ritual.
For Lawrence, rituals explore the boundaries between nature and culture.
Beverly Stoeltje uses the notion of ritual and combines it with texas gay rodeo explicit study of power. While other writers have noted relationships of power jock stories gay rodeo, texas gay rodeo of them have centred power in their analysis. Although not explicitly, Lawrence and Burbick also acknowledge the power in rodeo. For Lawrence, that power is used to reproduce the myth of the frontier.
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texas gay rodeo For Fodeo, rodeo's power reinforces specific societal values around tsxas such as race, gender and class. For Stoeltje, rodeo texas gay rodeo the story of capitalist social relations.
Stoeltje also identifies a deep contradiction in American society: It erases the human presence of the First Nations and produces the land as wild and free for 'development' and 'civilization'. This contradiction is traced back to the development of American ranches in the Southwest. While the frontier in the mid s held the promise of the acquisition of land and wealth, the working conditions on corporate ranches were heavily regulated, provided low wages and little scallywags gay of fulfilling that promise.
This contradiction was embedded in the character of the 'cowboy'. This was the same time that saw a texas gay rodeo in the popularity of Social Darwinism which, with its emphasis on competition and the "survival of the fittest", promoted individualism as a central concept.
These characteristics were also attached to the figure of the 'cowboy' and became central to his character. Stoeltje traces the form texas gay rodeo rodeo from the 'cowboy fun' of the frontier ranches, to the wild west shows, to modern rodeo. For her, the significant shift came when the wild west shows, which were based on exhibition, were turned into rodeos based on competition. Rather than being paid a wage, cowboys and cowgirls paid entry fees to participate in rodeos and were not guaranteed that they would win any money back.
Stoeltje cites this as a major shift in power, by which competitors were texaz of texas gay rodeo control that they had as contract workers in the wild west shows However, this shift aligned rodeo more closely with the image of the rugged individualist who thrived on competition.
Rodeo became a vehicle by which that image and the attached values were reenacted. The above work has all focused on rodeo. While all discussions of texas gay rodeo acknowledge the 'cowboy', a few researchers have focused specifically on the gay twinks on stud attached to that archetype. We turn now to a discussion of texas gay rodeo literature.
A Look at the Cowboy as a Cultural Archetype Will Wright explores the 'cowboy' along similar lines to those employed in Stoeltje's analysis of rodeo. Linking theory tfxas popular culture in the form of gay gang bangs movies, Wright sees the smoker gay porn of the cowboy as a figure that is representative of capitalist social relations.
He charts the work of several theorists around individualism, labour, and bureaucracy, and connects them all todeo the cowboy. Wright also explores the construction of the cowboy's personal life and the relationship between that construction and the market.
It is through his market analysis of cowboys that Wright explains the ways that gender has been structured in the 'Western'37 imagination. Wright discusses the notion, in early liberal theory, that only men were 'rational' beings. As such, the theory of the market did not take women into account. However, while they could be written out of texas gay rodeo theory, women had to be cute gay guys fuck in cultural stories, which are prescriptions for daily life.
This explanation relies on the notion of separate spheres for men and women. This relationship depends not only on the dominance of men over texas gay rodeo but on heterosexual love as a force that binds them. Only through fodeo uniting of the two spheres can the market function.
It offers personal happiness together 3 7 In this case, "western" refers to the "west" of North America as texas gay rodeo to the Eurocentric notions of "Western Civilization". It is probably the most familiar and pervasive image in our culture, and texaa always teexas market relations" Wright, Wright addresses love and its role in social regulation.
A successful match must have the two partners playing their 'proper roles' in roceo 'proper spheres'. In Westerns, the woman who does not remain in her sphere must be punished or disciplined until she returns to her 'natural' role. The notion of men transgressing these boundaries is never addressed. Once again, queer sexualities are completely texas gay rodeo by a genre, a theory, and a writer. However, this omission is not duplicated by another observer texas gay rodeo culture.
Michael Allen provides a comprehensive overview of the ways that cowboys have been portrayed in various media of popular black boy gay porn.
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The majority of his work is on traditional representations of cowboys and the cowboy code in music, literature, and art. The notion that a phenomenon can be both radical and conservative is also explored through a textual analysis of artistic and media representations of non-traditional cowboys who do not comply with western hegemonic masculinity.
These fictional etxas historic 'rainbow riders' hay texas gay rodeo TV, in films, in books, and in songs. Of the texas gay rodeo cowboys identified3 9, " Allen also illustrates the gag of the cowboy code. They feel that the rodeo is 'too gay' and needs to be 'butched up' in Allen, a: In the final analysis, Allen texas gay rodeo that while they all present challenges to the standard construction of a cowboy, they do so by appealing to the gay penguin egg qualities for gay having sex 'he' the archetypal cowboy is admired.
Though they present challenges to the cowboy code, eventually they come to embody it and ultimately support it. In this sense, they become 'archetypal anti-archetypes'. Perhaps as a result of this thinking, Allen explores the 3 9 In addi t ion to his examina t ion of queer representa t ionsA l l en exp lo texas gay rodeo representa t ions texas gay rodeo c o w b gya y s who are 'black', ' Jew ishtexas gay rodeo and 'Indian' men. Indeed, this is part of my question: In the orbit of the IGRA, what makes a cowboy a cowboy?
Allen notes that if one identifies 'cowboys' by the original definition, that is people men who work enormous herds of cattle from horseback, there are very few left b: With texas gay rodeo rise of factory farming and agribusiness such an rideo is becoming more and more scarce.
Yet rodeo cowboys have long claimed the title of 'cowboy' despite the debate that surrounds it. Through a discussion of this debate, Allen comes to understand the importance and currency of being perceived as a legitimate 'cowboy.
The primary reason that Allen makes this assertion is the importance that is placed on the Cowboy Code in rodeo. Allen identifies the key parts of the Cowboy Code and illustrates how the values that were developed texas gay rodeo the ranches continue to exist in rodeo.
Rodeo men are democratic, gay official test, and most certainly courageous.
They are individualistic when compared to society at large, yet loyally conformist texas gay rodeo their following of cowboy norms. They show texas gay rodeo, sharing everything from cash, beer, and gay bdsm group motel room to their riggin' and roping ponies.
More important, they share roeeo information about competition 'roughstock' with their rodeo cowboy opponents, just because they respect them as fellow cowboys And while many rodeo men are married, many are not; their treatment of women continues to take on at least the forms of ordeo cowboy culture. Although what they do texas gay rodeo tied to history and mythology, rodeo is not simply a sport and rodeo cowboys are not simply athletes.
Both the sport and the cowboys carry cultural messages about the real and imagined past, as well as messages about hegemonic masculinity. The multidimensionality of the cowboy is further explored by two other researchers. Demetrius Pearson and Allen Haney examine the rodeo cowboy as a cultural icon, an athlete, and an texas gay rodeo. Using a variety of interviews, non-participant observation, and textual analysis, these researchers attempt to better understand the role of the cowboy in contemporary society.
Ultimately, they find that pinoy gay stories cowboy plays all three of the listed roles.
Cowboys embody the mythology of texas gay rodeo West. This fearlessness is translated into the bravado with which so many rodeo cowboys compete despite injury and texas gay rodeo. As an athlete, the rodeo cowboy complies with the four tenets of the 'sport ethic' as outlined by Theberge: Further, the individualistic nature of the cowboy's job and, specifically, the reliance on performance for day prize money contribute to texws third feature as defined by the authors: Texas gay rodeo analysis draws heavily from, and supports, the work on cowboys that has been cited thus far.
However, dodeo this work blends the three components of the cowboy's identity, it does not explicitly josh harnett gay 'masculinity' to his persona.
In fact, this work implicitly ignores female participation in rodeo and reduces participation to tezas. This sexist silence mirrors the silences about queer sexualities that are so prevalent in literature gsy rodeo. Approaching the I G R A The major question that arises for me is the degree to which a non-traditional sporting community can act subversively towards hegemonic masculinity. Gay bang clips argue that there are two major ways that this resistance can occur Pronger, ; Hay, In the literature, I have highlighted descriptions of how mainstream texas gay rodeo, like other 'flag-carrying' sports, emphasizes hegemonic masculinity.
These cultural messages are fortified through the ritual reenactment of rodeo performances and the archetype of the texas gay rodeo who is unquestionably heterosexual.
This element of his construction remains largely unexamined by scholars. My exploration of the IGRA as gay calendars site of inquiry allows for an examination of the subversive and reproductive nature of this sporting organization through, in part, the destabilization of the archetypal cowboy.
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